Privilège blanc

White privilege (or white skin privilege) is a term for societal privileges that benefit people identified as white in Western countries, beyond what is commonly experienced by non-white people under the same social, political, or economic circumstances. Academic perspectives such as critical race theory and whiteness studies use the concept of "white privilege" to analyze how racism and racialized societies affect the lives of white or white-skinned people.

According to Peggy McIntosh, whites in Western societies enjoy advantages that non-whites do not experience, as "an invisible package of unearned assets". White privilege denotes both obvious and less obvious passive advantages that white people may not recognize they have, which distinguishes it from overt bias or prejudice. These include cultural affirmations of one's own worth; presumed greater social status; and freedom to move, buy, work, play, and speak freely. The effects can be seen in professional, educational, and personal contexts. The concept of white privilege also implies the right to assume the universality of one's own experiences, marking others as different or exceptional while perceiving oneself as normal.

The concept has attracted attention and some opposition. Some critics say that the term uses the concept of "whiteness" as a proxy for class or other social privilege or as a distraction from deeper underlying problems of inequality. Others state that it is not that whiteness is a proxy but that many other social privileges are interconnected with it, requiring complex and careful analysis to identify how whiteness contributes to privilege. Critics of white privilege also propose alternative definitions of whiteness and exceptions to or limits of white identity, arguing that the concept of "white privilege" ignores important differences between white subpopulations and individuals and suggesting that the notion of whiteness cannot be inclusive of all white people. They note the problem of acknowledging the diversity of people of color and ethnicity within these groups. Conservative critics have offered more direct critiques of the concept; one writes that "today ... the lives of minorities are no longer stunted by prejudice and 'white privilege'", while another says that the concept is an obstacle in the road to achieving an equal society.

Gina Crosley-Corcoran in her Huffington Post article, "Explaining White Privilege to a Broke White Person", says that she was initially hostile to the idea that she had white privilege, initially believing, "my white skin didn't do shit to prevent me from experiencing poverty", until she was directed to read Peggy McIntosh's "Unpacking the invisible knapsack". According to Crosley-Corcoran, "the concept of intersectionality recognizes that people can be privileged in some ways and definitely not privileged in others". Other writers have noted that the "academic-sounding concept of white privilege" sometimes elicits defensiveness and misunderstanding among white people, in part due to how the concept of white privilege was rapidly brought into the mainstream spotlight through social media campaigns such as Black Lives Matter. Cory Weinburg, writing for Inside Higher Ed, has also stated that the concept of white privilege is frequently misinterpreted by non-academics because it is an academic concept that has been recently been brought into the mainstream. Academics interviewed by Weinburg, who have been otherwise studying white privilege undisturbed for decades, have been taken aback with the seemingly-sudden hostility from right-wing critics since 2014.

Definition

The definition of white privilege, as with many terms, varies from source to source, but is generally distinguished from active bias or prejudice against non-white people. The following is a partial list of definitions:

• "White privilege is the ability for Whites to maintain an elevated status in society that masks racial inequality."
  • (en) M. Andersen, H. Taylor et K. Logio, Sociology: The Essentials, 8th, 2014 (ISBN 978-1-285-96566-6, lire en ligne), p. 424
• "White privilege has been defined by David Wellman as a system of advantage based on race. It has been compared by Peggy McIntosh to an invisible, weightless knapsack of assets and resources that she was given because she was born White in her time and place in U.S. society. Paula Rothenberg defines White privilege as the other side of discrimination, meaning the opposite of discrimination."
  • (en) J. Banks, Encyclopedia of Diversity in Education, Thousand Oaks, California, SAGE Publications, 2012 (ISBN 978-1-4129-8152-1), p. 2300
• "White privilege, specifically, is an institutional set of unearned benefits granted to White people (Kendall, 2001, 2006; McIntosh, 1989; Sue, 2003). Sue (2003) defines White privilege as "unearned advantages and benefits" given to White persons based on a system that was "normed on the experiences, values, and perceptions" of White persons (p. 7). McIntosh (1989) characterizes White privilege as "an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was 'meant' to remain oblivious" (p. 10). She likens it to "an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools, and blank checks" (p. 10). Kendall (2006) describes White privilege as "an institutional, rather than personal, set of benefits granted to" (p. 63) people whose race resembles that of the people who are in power."
  • (en) J. L. Dressel, S. Kerr et H. B. Steven, Handbook of multicultural counseling competencies, Hoboken, N.J, John Wiley, 2010 (ISBN 978-0-470-43746-9), « Developing Competency with White Identity and Privilege »
• "McIntosh is adept at describing the daily advantage white people have based on the color of their skin. Wildman (2000) discusses the characteristics of the privileged by saying they "define the societal norm, often benefiting those in the privileged group. Second, privileged group members can rely on their privilege and avoid objecting to oppression" (p. 53). The result of this societal norm is that everyone is required to live by the attributes held by the privileged. In society white people define and determine the terms of success and failure; they are the norm. Thus, "achievements by members of the privileged group are viewed as meritorious and the result of individual effort, rather than as privileged" (p. 53)."
  • C. L. Lund, « The nature of white privilege in the teaching and training of adults », New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, vol. 2010, n^o 125,‎ 2010, p. 18 (DOI 10.1002/ace.359)
• "Experts define White privilege as a combination of exclusive standards and opinions that are supported by Whites in a way that continually reinforces social distance between groups on the basis of power, access, advantage, majority status, control, choice, autonomy, authority, possessions, wealth, opportunity, materialistic acquisition, connection, access, preferential treatment, entitlement, and social standing (Hays & Chang, 2003; Manning & Baruth, 2009)."
  • (en) C. T. Vang, An educational psychology of methods in multicultural education, New York, Peter Lang, 2010, 36 and 37 (ISBN 978-1-4331-0790-0)
• "White privilege" refers to the myriad of social advantages, benefits, and courtesies that come with being a member of the dominant race."
  • (en) Richard Delgado et Jean Stefancic, Critical Race Theory: An Introduction, New York and London, New York University Press, 2001 (ISBN 0-8147-1931-7, lire en ligne), p. 78
• "White privilege is a form of racism that both underlies and is distinct from institutional and overt racism. It underlies them in that both are predicated on preserving the privileges of white people (regardless of whether agents recognize this or not). But it is also distinct in terms of intentionality. It refers to the hegemonic structures, practices, and ideologies that reproduce whites' privileged status. In this scenario, whites do not necessarily intend to hurt people of color, but because they are unaware of their white-skin privilege, and because they accrue social and economic benefits by maintaining the status quo, they inevitably do."
  • L. Pulido, « Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California », Annals of the Association of American Geographers, vol. 90,‎ 2000, p. 15 (DOI 10.1111/0004-5608.00182)
• Cheryl Harris describes whiteness as a form of property, which confers privileges on its holders. In "Whiteness as Property," Harris writes, "The wages of whiteness are available to all whites, regardless of class position — even to those whites who are without power, money, or influence. Whiteness, the characteristic that distinguishes them from blacks, serves as compensation even to those who lack material wealth. It is the relative political advantages extended to whites, rather than actual economic gains, that are crucial to white workers."
  • (en) Harris Cheryl, Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement, New York, The New Press, 1995 (ISBN 1-56584-271-5), « Whiteness as Property », p. 286

History of the concept

Pre-1970s

In his 1935 Black Reconstruction in America, W. E. B. Du Bois introduced the concept of a "psychological wage" for white laborers. This special status, he wrote, divided the labor movement by leading low-wage white workers to feel superior to low-wage black workers. Du Bois identified white supremacy as a global phenomenon, affecting the social conditions across the world by means of colonialism. For instance, Du Bois wrote:

It must be remembered that the white group of laborers, while they received a low wage, were compensated in part by a sort of public and psychological wage. They were given public deference and titles of courtesy because they were white. They were admitted freely with all classes of white people to public functions, public parks, and the best schools. The police were drawn from their ranks, and the courts, dependent on their votes, treated them with such leniency as to encourage lawlessness. Their vote selected public officials, and while this had small effect upon the economic situation, it had great effect upon their personal treatment and the deference shown them. White schoolhouses were the best in the community, and conspicuously placed, and they cost anywhere from twice to ten times as much per capita as the colored schools. The newspapers specialized on news that flattered the poor whites and almost utterly ignored the Negro except in crime and ridicule.

In 1965, drawing from that insight, and inspired by the Civil Rights movement, Theodore W. Allen began a 40-year analysis of "white skin privilege", "white race" privilege, and "white" privilege in a call he drafted for a "John Brown Commemoration Committee" that urged "White Americans who want government of the people" and "by the people" to "begin by first repudiating their white skin privileges". The pamphlet, "White Blindspot", containing one essay by Allen and one by historian Noel Ignatiev, was published in the late 1960s. It focused on the struggle against "white skin privilege" and significantly influenced the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and sectors of the New Left. By June 15, 1969, the New York Times was reporting that the National Office of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was calling "for an all-out fight against 'white skin privileges'". From 1974 to 1975, Allen extended his analysis to the colonial period, leading to the publication of "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race," (1975) which ultimately grew into his two-volume "The Invention of the White Race" in 1994 and 1997.

In his work, Allen maintained several points: that the "white race" was invented as a ruling class social control formation in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century Anglo-American plantation colonies (principally Virginia and Maryland); that central to this process was the ruling-class plantation bourgeoisie conferring "white race" privileges on European-American working people; that these privileges were not only against the interests of African-Americans, they were also "poison," "ruinous," a baited hook, to the class interests of working people; that white supremacy, reinforced by the "white skin privilege," has been as the main retardant of working-class consciousness in the US; and that struggle for radical social change should direct principal efforts at challenging white supremacy and "white skin privileges". Though Allen's work influenced Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and sectors of the "new left" and paved the way for "white privilege" and "race as social construct" study, and though he appreciated much of the work that followed, he also raised important questions about developments in those areas.

In newspapers and public discourse across the United States in the 1960s, the term "white privilege" was often used to describe white areas under conditions of residential segregation. These and other uses grew out of the era of legal discrimination against Black Americans, and reflected the idea that white status could continue despite formal equality.^{[réf. nécessaire]} In the 1990s, the term came back into public discourse, such as in Robert Jensen's 1998 opinion piece in the Baltimore Sun, titled "White privilege shapes the U.S."

1970s to early 2000s

The concept of white privilege also came to be used within radical circles for purposes of self-criticism by anti-racist whites. For instance, a 1975 article in Lesbian Tide criticized the American feminist movement for exhibiting "class privilege" and "white privilege". Weather Underground leader Bernardine Dohrn, in a 1977 Lesbian Tide article, wrote: "... by assuming that I was beyond white privilege or allying with male privilege because I understood it, I prepared and led the way for a totally opportunist direction which infected all of our work and betrayed revolutionary principles."^{[réf. nécessaire]}

In the late 1980s, the term gained new popularity in academic circles and public discourse after Peggy McIntosh's 1987 essay White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. In this essay, McIntosh described white privilege as “an invisible weightless knapsack of assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks," and also discussed the relationships between different social hierarchies in which experiencing oppression in one hierarchy did not negate unearned privilege experienced in another. In later years, the theory of intersectionality also gained prominence, with black feminists like Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw arguing that black women experienced a different type of oppression from male privilege distinct from that experienced by white women because of white privilege. The essay is still routinely cited as a key influence by later generations of academics and journalists.

In 2003, Ella Bell and Stella Nkomo noted that "most scholars of race relations embrace the use of [the concept] white privilege". Sociologists in the American Mosaic Project at the University of Minnesota reported that widespread belief in the United States that "prejudice and discrimination [Modèle:Interp create a form of white privilege." According to their 2003 poll, this view was affirmed by 59% of white respondents, 83% of Blacks, and 84% of Hispanics.

Social media era

White privilege as a concept marked its transition from academia to more mainstream prominence through social media in the early 2010s, especially in 2014, a year in which Black Lives Matter exploded into a massive protest movement and the word "hashtag" itself was added to Merriam-Webster. Brandt and Kizer, in their article "From Street to Tweet" (2015), discuss the American public's perception of the concept of privilege in mainstream culture, including white privilege, as being influenced by social media, but also express caution as to its limits. Commenting on Kira Cochrane's identification of a fourth-wave of feminism, a proposed emerging movement characterized by use of technology and social media, they note that there are "large, splashy examples" of social media activism's reach, but "on an individual level ... the influence and reach of social media is unclear."

Hua Hsu, a Vassar College professor of English, opened his The New Yorker review of the 2015 MTV film White People with the remark: "like the robot in a movie slowly discovering that it is, indeed, a robot, it feels as though we are living in the moment when white people, on a generational scale, have become self-aware." Noting that "white people have begun to understand themselves in the explicit terms of identity politics, long the province of those on the margins", Hsu ascribes this change in self-awareness to a generational change, "one of strange byproducts of the Obama era." Hsu writes that discourse on the nature of whiteness "isn't a new discussion, by any means, but it has never seemed quite so animated".

The film White People itself, produced and directed by Pulitzer Prize winner Jose Antonio Vargas, is a documentary that follows a variety of white teenagers who express their honest thoughts and feelings about their whiteness on-camera, as well as their opinions on white privilege. During one moment of the film, Vargas interviews a white community college student, Katy, who attributes her inability to land a college scholarship to reverse racism against white people, before Vargas points out that white students are "40 percent more likely to receive merit-based funding". In one review of the film, a Daily Beast writer interviews Ronnie Cho, the head of MTV Public Affairs, who acknowledges "young people as the engine behind social change and awareness", and therefore would be more likely to talk about white privilege, but also notes that at the same time, millennials (with some overlap with Generation Z) form "a generation that maybe were raised with noble aspirations to be color blind". Ronnie Cho then asserts these aspirations "may not be very helpful if we ignore difference. The color of our skin does matter, and impacts how the world interacts with us." Later in the same review, writer Amy Zimmerman notes that, "white people often don’t feel a pressing need to talk about race, because they don’t experience it as racism and oppression, and therefore hardly experience it at all. Checking privilege is an act of self-policing for white Americans; comparatively, black Americans are routinely over-checked by the literal police."

In January 2016, hip-hop group Macklemore and Ryan Lewis released "White Privilege II", a single from their album This Unruly Mess I've Made, in which Macklemore raps about his struggle to find his place in the Black Lives Matter protest movement, conscious that his commercial success in hip hop is at least partially a product of white privilege. He also says that other white performers have profited immensely from cultural appropriation of black culture such as Iggy Azalea, and raps about which the impunity with which white police in the United States are free to take black lives, with "a shield, a gun with gloves and hands that gives an alibi". Arguing his success is "the product of the same system that let off Darren Wilson", the police officer who shot and killed Michael Brown, he raps that, "one thing the American dream fails to mention, is that I was many steps ahead to begin with". The song also samples a line from a woman who, affirming her belief that she lives in a post-racial America, dismisses the existence of white privilege, "you're saying that I have an advantage, why? Because I'm white? [scoffs and laughs] What? No."

According to Fredrik deBoer, it is a popular trend for white people to willingly claim self-acknowledgement of their white privilege online. deBoer criticized this practice as promoting self-regard and not solving any actual inequalities.

Aspects

Critical race theory

The concept of white privilege has been studied by theorists of whiteness studies seeking to examine the construction and moral implications of 'whiteness'. There is often overlap between critical whiteness and race theories, as demonstrated by focus on the legal and historical construction of white identity, and the use of narratives (whether legal discourse, testimony or fiction) as a tool for exposing systems of racial power. Fields such as History and Cultural Studies are primarily responsible for the formative scholarship of Critical Whiteness Studies.

Critical race theorists such as Cheryl Harris and George Lipsitz have said that "whiteness" has historically been treated more as a form of property than as a racial characteristic: In other words, as an object which has intrinsic value that must be protected by social and legal institutions. Laws and mores concerning race (from apartheid and Jim Crow constructions that legally separate different races to social prejudices against interracial relationships or mixed communities) serve the purpose of retaining certain advantages and privileges for whites. Because of this, academic and societal ideas about race have tended to focus solely on the disadvantages suffered by racial minorities, overlooking the advantageous effects that accrue to whites.

Whiteness unspoken

From another perspective, white privilege is a way of conceptualizing racial inequalities that focuses on advantages that white people accrue from their position in society as well as the disadvantages that non-white people experience. This same idea is brought to light by Peggy McIntosh, who wrote about white privilege from the perspective of a white individual. McIntosh states in her writing that, "as a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something which puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege which puts me at an advantage." To back this assertion, McIntosh notes a myriad of conditions in her article in which racial inequalities occur to favor whites, from renting or buying a home in a given area without suspicion of one's financial standing, to purchasing bandages in "flesh" color that closely matches a white person's skin tone. She further asserts that she sees

a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was among those who could control the turf. My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as belonging in major ways, and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely.

Unjust enrichment

Lawrence Blum refers to advantages for white people as "unjust enrichment" privileges, in which white people benefit from the injustices done to people of color, and he articulates that such privileges are deeply rooted in the U.S. culture and lifestyle:

When Blacks are denied access to desirable homes, for example, this is not just an injustice to Blacks but a positive benefit to Whites who now have a wider range of domicile options than they would have if Blacks had equal access to housing. When urban schools do a poor job of educating their Latino/a and Black students, this benefits Whites in the sense that it unjustly advantages them in the competition for higher levels of education and jobs. Whites in general cannot avoid benefiting from the historical legacy of racial discrimination and oppression. So unjust enrichment is almost never absent from the life situation of Whites.

Spared injustice

A protester holds a sign reading "They don't shoot white women like me" at a#BlackLivesMatter protest in the wake of the non-indictment of a New York City police officer for the death of Eric Garner.

In Blum's analysis of the underlying structure of white privilege, "spared injustice" is when a person of color suffers an unjust treatment while a white person does not. His example of this is when "a Black person is stopped by the police without due cause but a White person is not". He identifies "unjust enrichment" privileges as those for which whites are spared the injustice of a situation, and in turn, are benefiting from the injustice of others. For instance, "if police are too focused on looking for Black lawbreakers, they might be less vigilant toward White ones, conferring an unjust enrichment benefit on Whites who do break the laws but escape detection for this reason."

Privileges not related to injustice

Blum describes "non-injustice-related" privileges as those which are not associated with injustices experienced by people of color, but relate to a majority group's advantages over a minority group. Those who are in the majority, usually white people, gain "unearned privileges not founded on injustice." As an example, in workplace cultures there tends to be a partly ethnocultural character, so that some ethnic or racial groups' members find them more comfortable than do others.

Framing racial inequality

Dan J. Pence and J. Arthur Fields have observed resistance in the context of education to the idea that white privilege of this type exists, and suggest this resistance stems from a tendency to see inequality as a black or Latino issue. One report noted that white students often react to in-class discussions about white privilege with a continuum of behaviors ranging from outright hostility to a "wall of silence." A pair of studies on a broader population by Branscombe et al. found that framing racial issues in terms of white privilege as opposed to non-white disadvantages can produce a greater degree of racially biased responses from whites who have higher levels of racial identification. Branscombe et al. demonstrate that framing racial inequality in terms of the privileges of whites increased levels of guilt among white respondents. Those with high racial identification were more likely to give responses which concurred with modern racist attitudes than those with low racial identification. According to the studies' authors, these findings suggest that representing inequality in terms of outgroup disadvantage allows privileged group members to avoid the negative implications of inequality.

White fragility

Robin DiAngelo, lecturer at the University of Washington, created the term "white fragility". She has noted that "white privilege can be thought of as unstable racial equilibrium". When this equilibrium is challenged, the resulting racial stress can become intolerable and trigger a range of defensive responses. DiAngelo defines these behaviors as "White Fragility." She also writes that white privilege is very rarely discussed and that even multicultural education courses tend to use vocabulary that further obfuscates racial privilege and defines race as something that only concerns blacks. She suggests using loaded terminology with negative connotations to people of color adds to the cycle of white privilege,

It is far more the norm for these courses and programs to use racially coded language such as 'urban,' 'inner city,' and 'disadvantaged' but to rarely use 'white' or 'overadvantaged' or 'privileged.' This racially coded language reproduces racist images and perspectives while it simultaneously reproduces the comfortable illusion that race and its problems are what 'they' have, not us.

Global

White privilege functions differently in different places. A person's white skin will not be an asset to them in every conceivable place or situation. White people are also a global minority, and this fact affects the experiences they have outside of their home areas. Nevertheless, some people who use the term "white privilege" describe it as a worldwide phenomenon, resulting from the history of colonialism by white Western Europeans. One author states that American white men are privileged almost everywhere in the world, even though many countries have never been colonized by Western Europeans.

In some accounts, global white privilege is related to American exceptionalism and hegemony.

References

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Bibliography

• Allen, Theodore W. The Invention of the White Race: Racial Oppression and Social Control (Verso, 1994) (ISBN 0-86091-660-X)0-86091-660-X.
• Blum, Lawrence. 2008. 'White Privilege': A Mild Critique1. Theory and Research in Education. 6:309. DOI: 10.1177/1477878508095586.
• Hartigan, John. Odd Tribes: Toward a Cultural Analysis of White People. Duke University Press, 2005. (ISBN 978-0-8223-3597-9)978-0-8223-3597-9
• Lipsitz, George. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics, Revised and Expanded Edition. Temple University Press, 2006. (ISBN 1-56639-635-2)1-56639-635-2.
• Olson, Ruth. White Privilege in Schools. Beyond Heroes and Holidays. 1998. Endid Lee. Teaching for Change, 1998.
• McIntosh, Peggy. "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." (excerpt from Working Paper #189, "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondence Through Work in Women's Studies" (1988), Wellesley College Center for Research on Women, Wellesley, Massachusetts.)
• McIntosh, Peggy. White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. Beyond Heroes and Holidays. 1998. Endid Lee. Teaching for Change, 1998.
• (en) Linda Faye Williams, The Constraint of Race: Legacies of White Skin Privilege in America, University Park, Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania State University Press, 30 août 2004 (ISBN 0-271-02535-2, lire en ligne), p. 429

Further reading

• Allen, Theodore W. "The Invention of the White Race," Vol. 1: "Racial Oppression and Social Control" (Verso Books, 1994, New Expanded Edition 2012, (ISBN 978-1-84467-769-6)978-1-84467-769-6).
• Allen, Theodore W. "The Invention of the White Race," Vol. 2: "The Origin of Racial Oppression in Anglo-America" (Verso Books, 1997, New Expanded Edition 2012, (ISBN 978-1-84467-770-2)978-1-84467-770-2).
• Allen, Theodore W. "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race" (1975), republished in 2006 with an "Introduction" by Jeffrey B. Perry at Center for the Study of Working Class Life, SUNY, Stony Brook.
• Allen, Theodore W. "On Roediger's Wages of Whiteness" (Revised Edition) "Cultural Logic," 2001.
• Brown, C.S. (2002). Refusing Racism: White allies and the struggle of civil right. New York: Teachers College Press.
• Du Bois, W. E. B. 1920. "The Souls of White Folk", in Darkwater
• Dyer, Richard. White
• Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks
• (en) Marcel Lucien Goldschmid, Black Americans and White Racism, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970 (ISBN 978-0-03-077685-4)
• Jackson, C. 2006. White Anti-Racism: Living the Legacy. Retrieved October 31, 2006, from http://www.tolerance.org/teach/activities/activity.jsp?ar=718.
• C. Levine-Rasky, « Framing whiteness: working through the tensions in introducing whiteness to educators », Race Ethnicity and Education, vol. 3, n^o 3,‎ 2000, p. 271–292 (DOI 10.1080/713693039)
• Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (Verso, 1991) (ISBN 0-86091-334-1)0-86091-334-1, (ISBN 978-0-86091-334-4)978-0-86091-334-4, (ISBN 0-86091-550-6)0-86091-550-6, (ISBN 978-0-86091-550-8)978-0-86091-550-8.
• Roediger, D.R. 2005. Working toward whiteness: How America's immigrants became white. The strange journey from Ellis Island to the suburbs. New York: Basic Books.
• Rothenberg, Paula S., ed. White Privilege: Essential Readings on the Other Side of Racism (Worth, 2004) (ISBN 0-7167-8733-4)0-7167-8733-4.
• R.P. Solomona, J.P. Portelli, B-J. Daniel et A. Campbell, « The discourse of denial: how white teacher candidates construct race, racism and 'white privilege' », Race Ethnicity and Education, vol. 8, n^o 2,‎ 2005, p. 147–169 (DOI 10.1080/13613320500110519)
• (en) Steele, Shelby, White Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise of the Civil Rights Era, HarperCollins, 2 mai 2006 (ISBN 0-06-057862-9)
• Steyn, Melissa E., Whiteness Just Isn't What Is Used to Be: White Identity in a Changing South Africa, Albany: SUNY Press, 2001, (ISBN 978-0-7914-5080-2)978-0-7914-5080-2.
• Updegrave, W.L. (1989). Race and money. Money, December 1989,152–72.
• Wise, Tim. White Like Me

External links

• White Privilege in White Minds and Education (PDF)
• "Towards a Bibliography of Critical Whiteness Studies", Center for Democracy in a Multiracial Society, University of Urbana-Champlain.

[[Catégorie:Discrimination]] [[Catégorie:Suprémacisme blanc]]