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Joan of Arc is interrogated by The Cardinal of Winchester in her prison 1431. Painting by Paul Delaroche (1797-1856).

The trial of Joan of Arc, which was overseen by an English-backed church court at Rouen, Normandy in the first half of 1431, was one of the more famous trials in history, becoming the subject of many books and films. It culminated in the execution of the person known to history as Joan of Arc, the young French peasant girl who was the defendant in the case. The trial verdict was later reversed on appeal by the Inquisitor-General in 1456, thereby completely exonerating her. She is now considered a French national heroine and a saint of the Roman Catholic Church.

Le procès de Jeanne d'Arc, supervisé par une Cour d'église anglaise à Rouen, en Normandie, durant la première moitié de l'année 1431, est l'un des procès les plus connus de l'Histoire, comme peuvent en témoigner les nombreux livres et films qui s'en sont inspirés. Il aboutit à l'exécution de la personne connue par l'Histoire comme étant Jeanne d'Arc, la jeune paysanne française qui était l'accusée dans cette affaire. Le verdict fut, plus tard, annulé en appel par l'Inquisiteur Général en 1456, ce qui eut pour effet de la disculper. Désormais, elle est considérée comme une héroïne nationale française et une sainte de l'Eglise Catholique Romaine.

Background and context[modifier | modifier le code]

Contexte historique[modifier | modifier le code]

In the spring of 1429, in obedience to what she said was the command of God, Joan inspired the Dauphin's armies in a series of stunning military victories which lifted the Siege of Orleans and destroyed a large percentage of the remaining English forces at the Battle of Patay, reversing the course of the Hundred Years' War. The Dauphin - Charles VII - was crowned a few months later at Reims.

However, a series of military setbacks eventually led to her capture. First, there was a reversal before the gates of Paris in September of that same year. Then, she was captured in the spring of 1430 in a minor action near Compiègne by the Burgundians, a faction led by Philip III, Duke of Burgundy, who was allied with the English.

The Burgundians delivered her to the English in exchange for 10,000 livres. In December of that same year, she was transferred to Rouen, the military headquarters and administrative capital in France of King Henry VI of England, and placed on trial for heresy before a Church court headed by Bishop Pierre Cauchon, a supporter of the English.

Au printemps 1429, suivant l'ordre qu'elle disait tenir de Dieu, Jeanne inspira les armées du Dauphin dans une série d'impressionnantes victoires militaires notamment lors du Siège d'Orléans ou encore de la Bataille de Patay, durant laquelle un nombre conséquent des forces anglaises restantes fut détruit, changeant ainsi le cours de la Guerre de Cent Ans. Le Dauphin, Charles VII, fut couronné quelques mois plus tard à Reims.

Cependant, une série d'échecs militaires conduisirent à sa capture. Tout d'abord, il y eut un renversement devant les portes de Paris en septembre de cette même année. Puis elle fut capturée au printemps de l'année 1430 dans une action mineure près de Compiègne par les Bourguignons, une faction dirigée par Philippe III, duc de Bourgogne, qui était allié avec les anglais.

Les Bourguignons la livrèrent aux Anglais en échange de 10 000 livres. En décembre de la même année, elle fut transférée à Rouen, le principal quartier général militaire et administratif en France du Roi Henri VI d'Angleterre, et accusée d'hérésie devant la Cour d'Eglise dirigée par l'évêque Pierre Cauchon, qui était en faveur des anglais.

Documentary record Archives documentaires[modifier | modifier le code]

The life of Joan of Arc is one of the best documented of her era. This is especially remarkable when one considers that she was not an aristocrat but rather a peasant girl. This fact is due partly to the trial record, and partly due also to the records of the later appeal of her case after the war when the trial was investigated and its verdict overturned.

During the trial in 1431, a trio of notaries headed by chief notary Guillaume Manchon took notes in French which were then collated each day following the trial session. About four years later, these records were translated into Latin by Manchon and University of Paris master Thomas de Courcelles. Five copies were produced, three of which are still in existence.

The lengthy investigations and appellate trial during the 1450s produced additional information about the details and behind-the-scenes activity during the process, since the 115 witnesses questioned during these investigations included many of the clergymen who had served during the trial in 1431. They gave vivid memories of many incidents that are not recorded in the trial transcript, and described how the English government had manipulated the affair[1].

Jules Quicherat published the first unabridged version of the trial record in the first volume of his five-volume series Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc in Paris in the 1840s. But it was not until 1932 that the first unabridged English translation became available when W.P. Barrett published his Trial of Joan of Arc in New York.

La vie de Jeanne d'Arc est l'une des plus documentées de son temps. Cela est remarquable quand on considère qu'elle n'était pas une aristocrate mais plutôt une paysanne. Ce fait est en partie dû à l'enregistrement du procès, et également aux rapports du dernier appel de son jugement après la guerre, lors de l'examen du procès qui aboutit à l'annulation du verdict.

Durant le procès en 1431, un trio de notaires dirigé par le chef notaire Guillaume Manchon prit des notes en français qui étaient collationnées chaque jour pendant le déroulement du procès. Environ quatre ans plus tard, ces notes furent traduites en Latin par Manchon et le doyen de l'Université de Paris, Thomas de Courcelles. Cinq copies furent produites, dont trois subsistèrent.

Les longues investigations et appels du procès durant les années 1450 produisirent des informations supplémentaires sur les détails et les activités de l'arrière plan durant le processus, d'autant que parmi les 115 témoins questionnés durant l'enquête, beaucoup étaient des ecclésiastiques ayant servi lors du procès de 1431. Ils donnèrent de vivaces détails de nombreux incidents qui n'étaient pas transcrits dans le rapport du procès, et décrivirent comment le gouvernement Anglais avait manipulé l'affaire.

Jules Quicherat publia la première version intégrale du rapport du procès dans le premier tome de sa série de cinq volumes Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc à Paris, dans les années 1840. Mais ce n'est qu'en 1932 que la première version intégrale traduite en anglais devint disponible, lorsque W.P Barett publia son Trial of Joan of Arc à New York.

In prison - En prison[modifier | modifier le code]

The procedures of an Inquisitorial trial called for a preliminary investigation into the life of the suspect. This investigation consisted of the collection of any evidence about the character of the subject, including witness testimony. This could then be followed by an interrogation of the accused, in which he or she was compelled to provide testimony which could then be used against them in a subsequent trial.

Les porcédures d'un tribunal Inquisitoire requéraient une enquête préliminaire sur la vie du suspect. Cette enquête consistait à asembler n'importe quelle preuve sur le caractère du sujet, incluant des temoignages. Cela pouvait être suivi par une interrogation de l'accusé, pendant laquelle il ou elle était contraint de fournir un témoignage qui pourrait être utilisé contre eux lors d'un procés ultérieur.

Preliminary inquiry- Enquête préliminaire[modifier | modifier le code]

With the words "Here begin the proceedings in matters of faith against a deceased woman, Joan, commonly known as the Maid", the trial records announce the start, on January 9, 1431, of the judicial inquiry into the case of Joan of Arc (Jeanne d'Arc as her name appears at the head of said records).

The first order of business was a preliminary inquiry into Joan's character and habits. An examination as to Joan's virginity was conducted some time prior to January 13, overseen by the Duchess of Bedford (the wife of John, Duke of Bedford, and regent in France of the boy-king Henry VI of England). The Duchess announced that Joan had been found to be a virgin.[2] At the same time, representatives of the judge were sent to Joan's home village of Domremy and vicinity to inquire further into Joan's life, her habits, and virtue, with several witnesses being interviewed.

The result of these inquiries was that nothing could be found against Joan to support any charges against her. The man who was commissioned to collect testimony, Nicolas Bailly, said that he "had found nothing concerning Joan that he would not have liked to find about his own sister".[3] This angered Cauchon, who was hoping for something he could use against her. He accused Bailly of being "a traitor and a bad man" and refused to pay him his promised salary[3].

La phrase "Ici commencent les procédures concernant la Foi contre une femme décédée, Jeanne, surnommée la Pucelle", annonce le début du procès du 9 janvier 1431 sur le rapport de l'enquête judiciaire dans l'affaire de Jeanne d'Arc (Jeanne dArc apparaît comme étant son som au début du dit rapport)

La première chose à faire était une enquête préliminaire quant aux habitudes et au caractère de Jeanne d'Arc. Une examination de la virginité de Jeanne fut exécutée au préalable le 13 janvier, surveillée par la Duchesse de Bedford (la femme de John, Duc de Beford, et régent de France de l'enfant-Roi Henri VI d'Angleterre). La Duchesse déclara que Jeanne était bel et bien vierge. Au même moment, des représentants du juge furent envoyés au village natal de Jeanne, Domremy et ses alentours pour s'informer plus sur la vie de Jeanne, ses habitudes, sa vertu, avec plusieurs témoins questionnés.

Le résultat de ces recherches n'était rien qui puisse être utilisé contre Jeanne pour supporter aucune charge envers elle. L'homme chargé de collecter les témoignages, Nicolas Bailly, déclara qu'il n'avait "rien trouvé concernant Jeanne qu'il aurait pu ne pas aimer trouver concernant sa soeur". Cela énerva Cauchon, qui espérait quelque chose qu'il aurait pu utiliser à l'encontre de la jeune fille. Il accusa Bailly d'être un "traître et homme mauvais" et refusa de lui payer le salaire qu'ils avaient convenu.

Interrogation Interrogatoire[modifier | modifier le code]

In a letter dated 20 February 1431 and sent to the assessors and others summoning them to appear the morning of the following day for the first public interrogation session of Joan, Pierre Cauchon cited the grant of jurisdiction within the city of Rouen by the chapter of the cathedral of Rouen for the purpose of conducting the trial against Joan. Without such a grant, he would have been unable to conduct the hearings as he was not in his native diocese. He also stated that Joan was "vehemently suspected of heresy" and that "rumors of her acts and sayings wounding our faith had notoriously spread". This was the basis for the diffamatio, a necessary ingredient in the bringing of charges against a suspect. He also alluded to the expected absence of the Vice-Inquisitor for Rouen, Jean Le Maistre, whose presence was required by canon law in order to validate the proceedings. Lemaitre's absence was later explained during the appellate trial by four eyewitnesses, who said Le Maistre had objections to the trial and refused to cooperate until the English threatened his life.[4] The postwar appellate court later declared these points to be violations of the Church's rules.

In response to the summons of Bishop Cauchon on this same date, priest and bailiff Jean Massieu reported that Joan had agreed to appear in court, but she requested that ecclesiastics of the French side be summoned equal in number to those of the English party (as required by the Church's rules), and she asked that she should be allowed to hear Mass. In response, promoter (prosecutor) Jean d'Estivet forbade Joan to attend the divine offices, citing "especially the impropriety of the garments to which she clung" according to the Trial transcript (Barrett translation). Her soldier's clothing increasingly became an issue as the trial progressed and the tribunal failed to find other grounds for a conviction. Several eyewitnesses later said she had been wearing a soldier's outfit which had a tunic, hosen, and long boots that went up to the waist, all of which were tied together with cords, which she said she needed to protect herself from being raped by her guards (i.e., fastening the three items of clothing together made it difficult for the guards to pull her clothing off, but a woman's dress would leave her more vulnerable since it was open at the bottom)[5].

Dans une lettre de convocation datée du 20 février 1431 envoyée aux assesseurs et autres, on les somma de venir le matin du jour suivant pour la première session d'interrogatoire public de Jeanne, Pierre Cauchon cita une autorisation de juridiction dans la ville de Rouen accordée par le chapitre de la Cathédrale de Rouen, dans le but de conduire le procès contre Jeanne. Sans une telle autorisation, il aurait été incapable de conduire les audiences, n'étant pas natif du diocèse. Il exposa également que Jeanne était "véhément suspectée d'hérétisme" et que les "rumeurs de ses actes et paroles blessant notre foi étaient notoirement répandus". C'était la base pour le diffamatio, un ingrédient nécessaire dans l'approvisionnement des charges contre un suspect. Il mentionna également l'absence attendue du Vice-Inquisiteur de Rouen, Jean Le maistre, dont présence était requise par les lois canon pour valider les procédures. L'absence de Lemaitre fut plus tard expliquée lors du procès d'appel pour les quatre témoins visuels, qui déclarèrent que Le Maistre avait des objections quand au procès et refusèrent de coopérer jusqu'à ce que le anglais menacent la vie de ce dernier. La Cour d'Appel de l'après-guerre déclara plus tard que ces agissements étaient une violation du rôle de l'Eglise.

En réponse à la sommation de l'évêque Cauchon au même instant, le prêtre et huissier Jean Massieu rapporta que Jeanne avait accepté de paraître dans la Cour, mais elle exigeait que les ecclésiastiques du côté français soient appelés à comparaître dans un nombre égal à celui du parti Anglais (comme les règles de l'Eglise l'exigent), et elle demanda à pouvoir entendre la messe. En réponse, l'organisateur (procureur) Jean d'Estivet interdit Jeanne d'assister aux offices divins, citant "spécialement l'inconvenance des habits auxquels elle était attachée", selon la transcription du procès (transcription de Barret). Ses vêtements de soldats devinrent rapidement un problème grandissant au cours du procès, et le tribunal échoua à trouver d'autres motifs pour une condamnation. Plusieurs témoins oculaires plus tard déclarèrent qu'elle portait un vêtement de soldat qui comportait une tunique, une lance et des longues bottes qu lui montaient jusqu'à la taille, le tout étant relié ensemble avec des cordes, qu'elle disait nécessaires pour se protéger contre les viols des gardes (détacher les trois objets l'un de l'autre était fastidieux et cela rendait difficile pour les gardes de la déshabiller, alors qu'une robe de femme l'aurait laissée plus vulnérable, car ouverte en bas).

First session: Wednesday, February 21, 1431 Première session : mercredi 21 février 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

After being brought before the court, the proceedings were explained to Joan and an exhortation was delivered to her by Bishop Cauchon, following which she was required to take an oath concerning her testimony.

'Question: Do you swear to speak the truth in answer to such questions as are put to you?
Joan: I do not know what you wish to examine me on. Perhaps you might ask such things that I would not tell.
Question: Will you swear to speak the truth upon those things which are asked you concerning the faith, which you know?
Joan: Concerning my father and my mother, and what I have done since I took the road to France, I will gladly swear to tell the truth. But concerning my revelations from God, these I have never told or revealed to anyone, save only to Charles, my King. And I will not reveal them to save my head[note 1].

The court returned to the matter of the oath in subsequent sessions.

She was then asked concerning matters such as her name, her birth, her parents and godparents, her baptism, and her religious upbringing. When she reported that her mother had taught her the standard Catholic prayers - the Pater Noster ("Our Father" or "Lord's Prayer"), Ave Maria ("Hail Mary"), and the Credo ("Apostles' Creed") - Cauchon asked her to recite the Pater Noster. She replied that she would do so only if she were allowed to be heard in Confession.

Finally, reminding her of her previous escape attempts, Joan was admonished against escaping, being told that if she were to do so, she would automatically be convicted of heresy. She rejected this, saying that she had given no oath regarding this matter to anyone and adding, "It is true that I wished and still wish to escape, as is lawful for any captive or prisoner".

Après avoir été amenée devant la Cour, les procédures furent expliquées à Jeanne et l'évêque Cauchon lui a délivré une exhortation, après quoi on lui a demandé de prêter serment pour son témoignage.

Question : Jures-tu de répondre la vérité aux questions qui te sont posées ?

Jeanne : Je ne sais pas pourquoi vous voulez m'examiner. Vous pourriez demander des choses que je ne dirai pas.

Question : Jures-tu de dire la vérité sur les choses qui te sont demandées concernant la foi, que tu connais ?

Jeanne : Concernant mon père et ma mère, et ce que j'ai fait depuis que j'ai pris la route vers la France, je jurerai joyeusement de dire la vérité. Mais concernant mes révélations de Dieu, je n'en ai jamais parlé à qui que ce soit, Charles excepté, mon Roi. Et je ne les révélerai pas pour sauver ma tête.

La Cour s'intéressera à cette question du serment dans des sessions ultérieures.

Elle fut ensuite interrogée sur des sujets comme son nom, sa naissance, ses parents, ses parrains et marraines, son baptême, et son éducation religieuse. Lorsqu'elle reporta que sa mère l'avait initiée aux prières catholiques - Le Pater Noster ("Notre Père" ou "Prière du Seigneur"), Ave Maria ("Je vous salue Marie"), et le Credo ("Je crois en Dieu) - Cauchon lui demanda de réciter le Notre Père. Elle répondit qu'elle ne s'exécuterait que si elle avait la permission de se confesser.

Finalement, se souvenant de ses précédentes tentatives d'évasion, on réprimanda Jeanne contre l'évasion, lui disant que si elle le faisait, elle serait automatiquement condamnée pour hérésie. Elle rejeta cela, disant qu'elle n'avait prêté serment à ce sujet à personne, et ajouta : "C'est vrai que j'ai souhaité et souhaite toujours m'échapper, ce qui est légal pour tout captif ou prisonnier".

Second session: Thursday, February 22, 1431 Deuxième session : Jeudi 22 février 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

At this session Jean Le Maistre the Vice-Inquisitor was finally present, after having tried to avoid attendance. He was not present at any of the following sessions until March 13, and he subsequently spent virtually no time on the case throughout the course of the trial[note 2].

After some further sparring over the oath, Joan was questioned about her youth and activities in Domremy. She replied that she had learned to "spin [wool] and to sew", that she "confessed her sins once a year", sometimes more often, and "received the sacrament of the Eucharist at Easter". Then the questioning took a more serious turn as the issue of her visions was taken up.

She stated that at the age of twelve or thirteen, she "had a voice from God to help and guide me", but that at first she "was much afraid". She added that the voice was "seldom heard without a light" and that she "often heard the voice" when she came to France. She then related details of her journey from Domrémy, to Chinon, first applying to Robert de Baudricourt in Vaucouleurs for an escort and leaving that city wearing soldier's attire and equipped with a sword supplied by Baudricourt.

Lors de cette session, Jean le Maistre, le Vice-Inquisiteur fut finalement présent, après avoir essayé d'éviter cette présence. Il n'était présent à aucune des sessions suivantes jusqu'au 13 mars, et, pendant le procès, il ne s'est pratiquement pas occupé de l'affaire.

Après plusieurs joutes quant au serment, Jeanne fut questionnée sur sa jeunesse et ses activités à Domrémy. elle répondit qu'elle avait appris à filer [la laine] et à coudre, et qu'elle "confessait ses pêchés une fois par an", parfois plus souvent, et qu'elle recevait le sacrement de "l'Eucharistie à Pâques". Puis le questionnement pris un tour plus sérieux lorsqu'on s'intéressa à ses visions.

Cela commença à l'âge de douze ou treize ans, elle dit qu'elle avait "une voix venant de Dieu pour m'aider et me guider", mais qu'au début, elle avait "plutôt peur". Elle ajouta que la voix était "rarement entendue sans une lumière" et qu'elle entendait "souvent une voix" lorsqu'elle venait en France. Elle relata ensuite les détails de son voyage de Domrémy à Chinon, demandant d'abord à Robert de Beaudricourt à Vaucouleurs une escorte, et quittant cette ville en portant un habit de soldat, et équipée d'une épée fournie par Beaudricourt.

Third session: Saturday, February 24, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

Again the session began with skirmishing over the oath, after which Jean Beaupere began with extensive questioning concerning Joan's voices. She was asked, among other things, what she was doing when the voice came to her, where the voice was, if there was any tactile interaction, what it said, etc. Joan reported that she asked the voice for counsel regarding the questioning and was told to "answer boldly and God would comfort [her]". She further stated that she "never found [the voice] to utter two contrary opinions" and she affirmed her belief that "this voice comes from God, and by His command".

Encore une fois, la séance commença par le serment, après lequel Jean Beaupere commença par un interrogatoire concernant les voix de Jeanne. Elle fut questionnée, entre autres, sur ce qu'elle faisait quand la voix est venue à elle, où était la voix, s'il y'avait une quelquonque interaction tactile, ce que ça disait, etc. Jeanne rapporta qu'elle avait demandé à la voix des conseils concernant ses questionnement et que celle-ci répondit de "répondre courageusement et Dieu la soutiendrait". Elle déclara plus loin qu'elle "n'avait jamais trouvé [la voix] pour émettre deux opinions contraires" et elle affirma sa conviction qui assurait que "cette voix venait de Dieu, et par Son commandement".

Several questions of a theological nature followed, including this one:

Plusieurs questions sur une nature théologique suivirent, incluant celle-ci :

Question: Do you know whether or not you are in God's grace?
Question : Est-ce que tu sais vraiment si tu es en Grâce de Dieu ?
Joan: If I am not, may God put me there; and if I am, may God so keep me. I should be the saddest creature in the world if I knew I were not in His grace."
Joan : Si je ne le suis pas, que Dieu m'amène ici; et si je le suis, qu'alors Dieu me garde. Je devrais être la plus triste créature du monde si je savais ne pas être en grâce."

The question was a deliberate attempt to entrap her, since the Church's doctrine held that no one could be certain of being in God's grace; and yet answering 'no' could also be used against her because the judge could claim she had admitted to being in a state of sin. According to the eyewitnesses, this question elicited a protest from one of the assessors, Jean Lefèvre, who said it was a "grave question" that Joan wasn't required to answer. Cauchon retorted: "It would have been better for you if you had kept your mouth shut!"[6] Joan's response, neatly avoiding the theological trap, left the court "stupefied" according to one of the notaries, Boisguillaume.[7] She added that if she were in a state of sin, she didn't think these saints would come to her; and she wished everyone could hear them as well as she did. She thought she was about twelve years old when they came to her for the first time.

La question était une tentative délibérée pour la piéger, depuis que la doctrine de l’Eglise tient à ce que personne ne soit certain d'être en Grâce avec Dieu; toutefois répondre "non" pouvait aussi se retourner contre elle car le juge pouvait déclarer qu'elle avait admis avoir péché. Selon les témoins, la question a suscité une manifestation de la part d'un de ses assesseurs, Jean Lefèvre, qui a dit que c'était une "question grave" dont il n'était pas nécessaire pour Joan de répondre. Cauchon a rétorqué : "Cela aurait été mieux pour toi si tu avais gardé ta bouche fermée!" La réponse de Joan, évitant adroitement ce piège théologique, a laissé la Cour "stupéfaite" d'après l'un des notaires, Boisguillaume. Elle a ajouté que si elle était dans un état de péché, les Saints ne viendraient pas à elle; et elle souhaitait que tout le monde puisse les entendre comme elle le pouvait. Elle pense qu'elle avait au moins douze ans lorsqu'ils sont venus à elle pour la première fois.

From there, the questioning turned again to Joan's childhood in Domremy, with questions about the "Ladies Tree" and the customs surrounding it. The session ended with Joan being asked whether she would wear women's clothing if such were supplied her. She replied: "Give me [a dress] and I will take it and go; otherwise, I am content with this [referring to her soldier's attire - ed.], since it pleases God that I wear it."

A partir de là, l'interrogation se dirigea de nouveau vers l'enfance de Joan à Domrémy, avec des questions sur l'"Arbre aux Fées" et les mœurs qui l'entouraient. La session se termina avec Joan se faisant demander si elle porterait des vêtements de femme s'ils lui étaient fournis. Elle répondit :"Donnez-moi [une robe] et je la prendrais et je partirais; sinon, je suis satisfaite avec ceci [en référence à sa tenue de soldat], puisqu'il plaît à Dieu que je la porte."

Fourth session: Tuesday, February 27, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

Again Joan took a limited form of the oath and again Beaupere took the principal lead in the questioning, first turning to the subject of her voices. Joan stated that she had heard the voices many times since the previous session and that they were St. Catherine and St. Margaret, whose voices had guided her for seven years, but that the first time she heard voices (when she was about 12), it was that of St. Michael. She said St. Catherine and St. Margaret appeared to her with "beautiful crowns" on their heads.[8] She refused to answer some of the questions, and referred others to the record of the Poitiers investigation.

There was further questioning about her assumption of soldier's attire to which she responded: "Everything I have done is at God's command". As to her first meeting with Charles VII, she referred the most substantive questions to the records of the Poitiers investigation but did state that the "King had a sign touching on my mission before he believed in me" and that "the clergy of my party [i.e., the Armagnac faction] held that there was nothing but good in my mission".

Questions followed concerning her sword and her standard, which the assessors asked her to describe in particular detail. The session concluded with questioning about the siege at Orleans and the assault against the town of Jargeau. Regarding the former, she stated that "she did indeed" know beforehand that she would be wounded, and that she "had told her king so". She was in fact wounded by an arrow between the neck and left shoulder as she was helping to raise a ladder against the fortress of Les Tourelles.

A nouveau Jeanne prit une forme limitée du serment et à nouveau Beaupere prit la place principale dans l'interrogation, premièrement en s'adressant au sujet de ses voix. Jeanne déclara qu'elle avait entendu ses voix plusieurs fois depuis la dernière session, et qu'elles étaient celles de St Catherine et St Marguerite, dont les voix l'avaient guidée depuis sept ans, mais la première fois qu'elle entendit des voix (quand elle avait environ douze ans), c'était celle de St Michael. Elle dit que St Catherine et St Marguerite lui étaient apparues avec des "magnifiques couronnes" sur la tête. Elle refusa de répondre à certaines questions, et les renvoyait aux conclusions de l'enquête de Poitiers.

Il y eut plus de questions sur son appropriation de la tenue de soldat, auxquelles elle répondit : "Tout ce que j'ai fais est sur la commande de Dieu." En ce qui concerne sa première rencontre avec Charles VII, elle renvoya de nouveau les questions les plus importantes aux conclusions de l'enquête de Poitiers, mais elle déclara que le "Roi avait reçu un signe divin sur ma mission avant même de croire en moi", et que "le clergé de mon parti [les Armagnacs] ont maintenu qu'il n'y avait rien de mal dans ma mission."

Des questions concernant son épée et son niveau ont suivi, que ses assesseurs lui ont demandé de décrire en détail. La session se conclut sur des questions concernant le siège d'Orléans, et l'offensive contre la ville de Jargeau. Elle reconnu qu'elle avait, en effet, conscience qu'elle serait blessée, et qu'elle "l'avait dit au roi". Elle était en fait blessée par une flèche entre le cou et l'épaule gauche alors qu'elle était en train d'aider à monter une échelle contre la forteresse des Tourelles.

Fifth session: Thursday, March 1, 1431

Following the usual disagreements over the oath, the session then turned to certain letters exchanged between herself and the Count of Armagnac concerning which of the three Papal claimants was the true Pope. Joan stated that she "believed in our Holy Father the Pope at Rome" and that she "had never written nor caused to be written anything concerning the three sovereign Pontiffs".

Other letters which she had dictated were then brought up. In the course of this exchange, she stated that "before seven years are past the English will lose a greater stake than they did at Orléans, for they will lose everything in France" and that she knew this by revelation.

Joan was then asked many detailed questions concerning the saints (called "apparitions" by the questioner, Pierre Cauchon) whom she believed visited her. She was asked whether they were male or female, did they have hair, what language they spoke, etc. Asked whether St. Margaret spoke English, she replied: "Why should she speak English when she is not on the English side?"

She was then asked about her rings and whether she attempted to effect cures thereby, to which she replied: "I never cured anyone with any of my rings". They also asked her whether she had a mandrake (a figurine for invoking demons), to which she replied: "I have no mandrake, and never had one."

And finally she was asked again about the sign which was given to her King whereby he recognized her and her mission and again she refused to answer any questions on this subject, saying "Go and ask him."

Sixth session: Saturday, March 3, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

After taking the oath in the same form as before, the questioning turned once again to the appearance of the Saints whom she claimed to see. She stated: "I saw them with my two eyes, and I believe it was they I saw as firmly as I believe in the existence of God" and that God had created them in the form and fashion that she saw.

Addressing the question of a future escape, she said that the saints in her visions "told me that I shall be delivered, but I do not know the day or the hour."

Turning again to the question of her adoption of soldier's attire, she was asked if she had worn it "by revelation". She referred to the record of Poitiers, but did add that she had begun wearing soldier's clothing at Vaucouleurs, when she set out across enemy-held territory to travel to Chinon. Many other questions about this matter were put to her which she refused to answer. But it did transpire that, on several occasions, she had been offered women's clothing and asked to put off her male attire but she replied that she "would not put it off without God's leave".

Many other questions about her standard and pennons and those of her followers ensued. She replied that they were made of "white satin, and on some there were fleur-de-lis"[note 3].

After briefly describing her meeting with Friar Richard at Troyes, the questioning turned to the issue of paintings of Joan ("At Arras, I saw a painting of myself done by the hands of a Scot") and the response of the common people to her – the kissing of her rings, hands, garments, and the like.[note 4] ("many women touched my hands and my rings; but I do not know with what thought or intention".)

Joan was then asked about her meeting with Catherine de La Rochelle, a French mystic who likewise claimed to have revelations from God. Joan said her saints had described Catherine as "folly and nothing more".

Finally, the session closed with some questions about Joan's escape attempt from the castle at Beaurevoir, where she was held for a number of months by her Burgundian captors. She stated that although her visions forbade it, "from fear of the English, I leaped and commended myself to God" and "in leaping was wounded", further stating that she would "rather surrender her soul to God than fall into the hands of the English".

Prison sessions[modifier | modifier le code]

Seventh session: Saturday, March 10, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

Questioning resumed, this time in her prison cell, with only a handful of assessors present. Joan described the action outside Compiegne when she was taken prisoner by the Burgundians. Asked about the role of her saints in this action, Joan reported that "Easter week last, when I was in the trenches at Melun, I was told by my voices . . . that I would be captured before St. John's Day" adding that "it had to be so" and that "I should not be distressed, but take it in good part, and God would aid me". However, although she had known that she would be captured, she did not know the date and time.

She was then asked about her banner and the meaning of the designs painted thereon. Finally, the session closed with questions about the sign she gave to Charles as proof of her mission.

Eighth session: Monday, March 12, 1431 (morning)[modifier | modifier le code]

Joan was questioned concerning the first meeting with her King when he was shown a sign. Then attention turned to whether or not her voices / saints had ever failed her in any respect.

Question: Did not the angel fail you . . . when you were taken prisoner?
Joan: . . . since it pleased God, it was better for me to be taken prisoner.

She further stated that they (her saints) "often come without my calling, but sometimes if they did not come, I would pray God to send them", adding "I have never needed them without having them."

Later, when commenting on when she first heard her voices, Joan said that she "vowed to keep her virginity as long as it should please God" adding that she was then "thirteen years old, or thereabouts". She said that she had not told anyone of her visions (neither her parents, nor her priest, nor any churchman), except Robert de Baudricourt.

Asked whether she thought it was right to leave her parents without permission, she responded that she did so at the command of God and therefore "it was right to do so" further stating that "afterwards, I wrote to them, and they forgave me."

Ninth session: Monday, March 12, 1431 (afternoon)[modifier | modifier le code]

Joan was asked concerning a dream which her father had prior to her leaving Domremy. She replied that she was "often told by my mother that my father spoke of having dreamed that I would go off with men-at-arms" and that she had heard her mother tell how "my father said to my brothers 'in truth, if I thought this thing would happen which I have dreamed about my daughter, I would want you to drown her; and if you would not, I would drown her myself'." (He evidently mistakenly assumed she would become a prostitute accompanying an army).

The questioning then turned again to her adoption of male attire. She answered that the decision to adopt same was "of her own accord, and not at the request of any man alive." She added that "Everything I have done I have done at the instruction of my voices" this latter comment in response to a question as to whether or not her voices ordered her to wear a soldier's outfit.

Tenth session: Tuesday, March 13, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

The bulk of this session was taken up with a discussion of the "sign" shown to the King (Charles) when Joan first met him at Chinon. When asked whether she had sworn to St. Catherine not to tell the sign, Joan replied, "I have sworn and promised not to tell this sign, of my own accord".

Nevertheless, she then went on to describe the sign and the meeting in detail. She described an angel bringing the King a crown of pure gold, rich and precious, which was put in the King's treasure. She added that when she first came to the King accompanied by the angel, she told him, "Sire, this is your sign; take it." When asked why God had chosen her for this task, she replied simply, "it pleased God so to do, by a simple maid to drive back the King's enemies."

The questioning then turned to the assault on Paris. She stated that she went to Paris not at the behest of a revelation, but "at the request of nobles who wanted to make an attack" adding that "after it had been revealed to me . . . at Melun that I would be captured, I usually deferred to the captains on questions of war."

Eleventh session: Wednesday, March 14, 1431 (morning)[modifier | modifier le code]

The morning session of March 14 began with lengthy questioning concerning Joan's leap from the tower at Beaurevoir where she had been held captive prior to being delivered to the English. She gave as one of the reasons for the leap that she knew she "had been sold to the English, and I would have died rather than fall into the hands of my enemies the English."

Asked directly whether, in leaping from the tower, she expected to kill herself, Joan replied, "No, for as I leaped I commended myself to God." By leaping she hoped to escape and avoid deliverance to the English.

The questioning then turned to her Saints and the light which accompanied them when they spoke to her. She stated that there was not a day when they did not come, and that they were always accompanied by a light. She asked three things of her voices: her deliverance (from imprisonment by the English), that God should aid the French, and, finally, she asked for the salvation of her soul.

The prisoner was asked about a warning which she had given to Bishop Cauchon. She reported her words as follows:

Joan: (to Cauchon) "You say that you are my judge; I do not know if you are: but take good heed not to judge me ill, because you would put yourself in great peril. And I warn you so that if God punish you for it, I shall have done my duty in telling you."

Asked what this meant, she reported that St. Catherine had told her she would have aid, that she would be delivered by a great victory, adding, "Take everything peacefully; have no care for thy martyrdom; in the end thou shalt come to the Kingdom of Paradise".

The questioning ended for this session with Joan being asked whether, after hearing this revelation, she felt she could no longer commit mortal sin. She replied, "I do not know; but in everything I commit myself to God."

Twelfth session: Wednesday, March 14, 1431 (afternoon)[modifier | modifier le code]

In the afternoon of the same day, the assessors convened again in Joan's prison cell, taking up where the morning session had left off, namely, with the question of Joan's salvation and the certainty she felt concerning same. Joan qualified her earlier reply by adding that her belief in her salvation was "provided that I kept my oath and promise to Our Lord to keep safe my virginity of body and of soul".

Asked about any need she felt to confess, she responded that she "did not know of having committed mortal sin" adding that "if I were in mortal sin, I think St. Catherine and St. Margaret would at once abandon me."

After a question was raised concerning allegations that Joan had taken a man at ransom and subsequently had him put to death, she answered that she had not done that. Then the assessors read off a list of charges, all of which had been dealt with in previous examinations, and asked her, in reference thereto, whether or not she felt herself in mortal sin as a result. She replied:

Joan: "I do not think I am in mortal sin, and if I am, it is for God, and the priest in confession, to know it."

Apart from this, her replies to the charges (concerning the attack on Paris on a Feast Day, the allegation that she had stolen a horse from the Bishop of Senlis, her leap from the tower of Beaurevoir, her wearing of male clothing, and the aforesaid charge concerning a prisoner who was put to death) were a recapitulation of earlier replies. Regarding the horse, her statement was that she had purchased the horse from the Bishop, but that she did not know if he received the money.

Thirteenth session: Thursday, March 15, 1431[modifier | modifier le code]

Throughout the trial, Joan had been requesting to hear Mass which had been refused to her. She was asked whether or not it would be proper for her to attend church wearing men's clothing or women's clothing[9].

Joan: Promise me that I'll get to hear Mass if I wear woman's clothing.
Interrogator: I promise that you will hear Mass if you wear women's clothing.
Joan: And what do you say if I've promised our king and sworn not to remove these clothes? Nonetheless, I say, make me a long robe that touches the ground, with no train and give it to me for Mass. Then when I come back I'll put back on these clothes I'm wearing.

Throughout the rest of this section Joan tells the inquisitors that she is confident in what she has said to them. She said, ″All my words and deeds are in God's hands, and I wait on him in these things. I assure you, I would not do or say anything against the Christian faith. If I had said or done anything, or if there were anything on my body that clerks could say was against the Christian faith the Lord established, I would not uphold it but would reject it.″[10] With this quote it is evident that Joan believes that everything she is doing is true and pure in terms of her faith. She explains more about how she interacts with the Saints.

Fourteenth session: Saturday, March 17, 1431 (morning)[modifier | modifier le code]

In nearly the last session, Joan answers questions about her Saintly voices as well as wearing men's clothes. Joan explains that Saints Catherine and Margaret ″love what God loves and hate what God hates.″[11] According to the text, Joan believed that the English would be beaten as were being as punishment for their sins.[11] This session focuses on Joan's military career as well as if she herself was worshipped. She refuses to answer some of the questions posed by her inquisitors about her banner and sword, but explains to them that she had already answered these questions, something that she repeatedly does throughout the entirety of her trial.

Fifteenth session: Saturday, March 17, 1431 (afternoon)[modifier | modifier le code]

In the final section of her trial, Joan is questioned about her banner. The inquisitors imply that the banner is the reason that she had been victorious in battle, but Joan gives all credit to God. Joan had told her inquisitors that Saints Margaret and Catherine gave her the banner though it was provided by God. [12] She explains that all of the symbolism and the wording was all in respect to God. Joan is asked whether she had been in contact with any fairies, why she looked at her ring before battle, and why the banner was present at the Dauphin's coronation. This is where accusations of Joan being a witch are more focused on[13].

Ordinary trial[modifier | modifier le code]

The ordinary, or regular, trial of Joan began on March 26, the day after Palm Sunday, with the drawing up of the 70 articles (later summarized in a 12 article indictment). If Joan refused to answer them, she would be said to have admitted them. On the following day, the articles were read aloud and Joan was questioned in French. The next two days, the extensive list of charges were then read to her in French. The Ordinary Trial concluded on May 24 with the abjuration.

Le procès ordinaire ou regulier de jeanne a commencé le 26 mars, le jour apres le dimanche des rameaux, aves l'élaborationdes 70 articles (plus tard resumé en 12 article). Si Joan refuse de leurs répondre, on dirait qu'elle les a admis. Le jour suivant, les articles on été lu à haute voix et Joan a été interrogée en français. Les deux jours d'après, la vaste liste des charge lui a alors été lu en français."The Ordinary Trial" terminé le 24 mai avec l'abjuration.

Abjuration[modifier | modifier le code]

On May 24, Joan was taken to a scaffold set up in the cemetery next to Saint-Ouen Church, and told that she would be burned immediately unless she signed a document renouncing her visions and agreeing to stop wearing soldiers' clothing. She had been wearing a soldiers' outfit consisting of a tunic, hosen, and long boots that went up to the waist, tied together with cords around the waist. The clergy who served on the tribunal later said Joan had kept this clothing tied tightly together during her months in prison because she said she needed such an outfit to protect herself from possible rape: "[when the judge told her] that it wasn't proper for a woman to wear a man's tunic [and] hosen firmly tied together with many cords, she said she didn't dare give up the hosen, nor to keep them but firmly tied, because the Bishop and Earl well knew, as they themselves said, that her guards had attempted to rape her a number of times"[14].

One of the court scribes, Guillaume Manchon, later recalled: "And she was then dressed in male clothing, and was complaining that she could not give it up, fearing lest in the night her guards would inflict some act of [sexual] outrage upon her; and she had complained once or twice to the Bishop of Beauvais, the Vice-Inquisitor, and Master Nicholas Loiseleur that one of the aforesaid guards had tried to rape her."[15] The trial record omits much information on this issue, but does contain quotes from her protesting that she was not doing anything wrong.

But faced with immediate execution on May 24, she agreed to give up this clothing and sign the abjuration document.

Le 24 mai, Jeanne a été prise dans le coup monté du cimetière a coté de l’église Saint-Ouen et a dit qu'elle serait immédiatement brulée à moins qu'elle n'ait signé un document renonçant à ses visions et consentant à arrêter de porter les vêtements des soldats. Elle avait porté l'équipement d'un soldat constituée d'une tunique, pantalon, et de longue bottes qui arrivent à la taille attachée ensemble autour de la taille avec des cordes. Le clergé qui a servi sur le tribunal a dit plus tard que Jeanne avait gardé ces vêtements liés fermement ensemble pendant ses mois en prison parce qu'elle a dit qu'elle a eu besoin d'une telle panoplie(équipement) pour se protéger du viol possible "[Lorsque le juge lui a dit] qu'il ne convenait pas pour une femme de porter la tunique d'hommes [et] le pantalon fermement attachés ensemble avec de nombreux cordons, elle a dit qu'elle n'as pas osé renoncer au pantalon, ni le garder sans qu'il soit fermement attaché,car l’Évêque et le compte le savait bien, ils l'ont eux-même dit, les garde ont tenter de la violer à de nombreuse reprise".

Un texte de justice, Guillaume Manchon, plus tard: " et elle était habillée avec de affaires d'homme, et Se plaignait qu'elle ne puisse pas y renoncer craignant de peur que pendant la nuit ses gardes n'infligeraient un certain acte d'atrocité [sexuelle] sur elle, elle s’était plainte une ou deux fois a Bishop de Beauvais, du Vice-Inquisiteur et Master Nicholas Loiseleur que un des gardes susmentionnées avait essayé de la violer" Le rapport de procès omet beaucoup d'informations sur cette question, mais contient vraiment des citations de sa protestation qu'elle ne faisait rien mal.

Mais l'exécution immédiate faite face au 24 mai, elle a consenti à renoncer à ces vêtements et signer le document d'abjuration..

Execution[modifier | modifier le code]

On May 28, Joan recanted her previous abjuration, donned men's apparel once more, and was accused of relapsing into heresy. The chief trial notary later said: "she was asked why she had readopted this male clothing, to which she replied that she had done it for the protection of her virginity, for she was not secure while wearing female clothing with her guards, who had tried to rape her, which she had complained about many times to the Bishop and Earl; and [she said] that the judges had promised her that she would be placed in the custody of, and in the prisons of, the Church, and that she would have a woman with her [i.e., a nun, following Inquisitorial procedure]; additionally saying that if it would please the lord judges to place her in a safe location in which she would not be afraid, then she was prepared to readopt female clothing"[16].

The trial bailiff, Jean Massieu, remembered that in the end the English guards gave her no other choice but to put the male clothing back on: "When she had to get out of bed... she had requested of these Englishmen, her guards: 'Unchain me, so I can get up'. And then one of these Englishmen took away the female clothing which she had, and they emptied the sack in which the male clothing was, and tossed this clothing upon her while telling her, 'Get up'; and they put away the female clothing in the aforementioned sack. And, as she said, she put on the male clothing they had given her, [after] saying, 'Sirs, you know this is forbidden me: without fail, I will not accept it.' But nevertheless they wouldn't give her anything else, so that she continued in this argument with them until the hour of noon; and finally, she was compelled by the necessity of the body to leave the room and hence to wear this clothing; and after she returned, they still wouldn't give her anything else [to wear] regardless of any appeal or request she made of them."[17]

She was declared "relapsed", giving the court nominal justification to have her executed. "Only those who had relapsed – that is, those who having once adjured their errors returned to them – could be condemned to death by a tribunal of the Inquisition and delivered for death."[18]

On May 30, 1431, Joan of Arc was burned at the stake at the Old Marketplace in Rouen.

Le 28 mai

Notes[modifier | modifier le code]

  1. All Trial quotations are from the English translation of the Trial transcripts by W.P. Barrett. In places, the dialogue has been rendered into direct discourse where the Trial transcript recorded only indirect discourse.
  2. Pernoud, Régine. "Joan of Arc By Herself and Her Witnesses", p. 165. The Papal Commission appointed a quarter of a century later to examine the conduct of the original Trial would here too fault the proceedings of this trial.
  3. The questioner and the assessors seemed to be interested, as evidenced by this line of questioning, in whether or not any magical significance was attached thereto.
  4. Here, the interest seemed to be whether or not she was venerated or worshiped in any way, and whether she encouraged such behavior.

References[modifier | modifier le code]

  1. An English translation of most of the testimony from these postwar investigations can be found in "The Retrial of Joan of Arc; The Evidence at the Trial For Her Rehabilitation 1450 - 1456" by Régine Pernoud, translated into English by J.M. Cohen.
  2. Pernoud, Régine. "Joan of Arc By Herself and Her Witnesses", p. 169.
  3. a et b Pernoud, Régine. "Joan of Arc By Herself and Her Witnesses", p. 168.
  4. Deposition of Nicholas de Houppeville on 8 May 1452 during Inquisitor Brehal's first investigation. See: Pernoud, Régine. "The Retrial of Joan of Arc; The Evidence at the Trial For Her Rehabilitation 1450 - 1456", p 236.
  5. Pernoud, Régine. "The Retrial of Joan of Arc; The Evidence at the Trial For Her Rehabilitation 1450 - 1456", pp. 186, 210.
  6. Pernoud, Régine. "The Retrial of Joan of Arc; The Evidence at the Trial For Her Rehabilitation 1450 - 1456", pp. 188, 196.
  7. Pernoud, Régine. "Joan of Arc By Herself and Her Witnesses", p. 184.
  8. Barrett, W.P. "The Trial of Jeanne d'Arc", p. 59.
  9. (en) Daniel Hobbins, The Trial of Joan of Arc, Harvard University Press, 73-74 p. (ISBN 9780674024052)
  10. (en) Daniel Hobbins, The Trial of Joan of Arc, Harvard University Press, 73 p. (ISBN 9780674024052)
  11. a et b (en) Daniel Hobbins, The Trial of Joan of Arc, Harvard University Press, 78 p. (ISBN 9780674024052)
  12. (en) Daniel Hobbins, The Trial of Joan of Arc, Harvard University Press, 80 p. (ISBN 9780674024052)
  13. (en) Daniel Hobbins, The Trial of Joan of Arc, Harvard University Press (ISBN 9780674024052)
  14. (en) Pierre DuParc, Procès en Nullité de la Condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc, Volume 1, Société de l'Histoire de France, , 426 p.
  15. (en) Pierre DuParc, Procès en Nullité de la Condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc, Volume 1, Société de l'Histoire de France, , 181 p.
  16. (en) Pierre DuParc, Procès en Nullité de la Condamnation de Jeanne d'Arc, Volume 1, Société de l'Histoire de France, , 427 p.
  17. (en) Jules Quicherat, Procès de Condamnation et de Réhabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc, Volume 2, Société de l'Histoire de France, , 18 p.
  18. (en) Régine Pernoud et Marie Véronique Clin, Joan of Arc, St. Martin's Press, , 132 p.

Sources[modifier | modifier le code]

  • Pernoud, Régine. Joan of Arc, By Herself and Her Witnesses (Edward Hyams, trans.)

Further reading[modifier | modifier le code]

  • "Joan's Trial and Execution at Rouen", in Joan of Arc: Her Story by Régine Pernoud and Marie-Véronique Clin.
  • Transcription of the Condemnation documents, in Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d'Arc volume I, by Jules Quicherat (transcriber and editor).
  • "The Trial of Condemnation", in Joan of Arc, By Herself and Her Witnesses by Régine Pernoud, translated by Edward Hyams. Includes lengthy excerpts from the transcript and descriptions by the eyewitnesses.

Internet resources[modifier | modifier le code]